Is Dutton really to blame?

by PAUL COLLITS – WELL, there goes One Term Albo as a nickname! The Australian election result was predictable, though the extent of the anti-Liberal rout was not foreseen by anyone. 

Looking around the (non-American) Anglosphere, some interesting points of convergence are apparent. Not to the corporate media, of course. 

In a large sense, the federal election didn’t much matter. It was just performative democracy – most of the real action is offstage and much of the real damage has already been done.

by PAUL COLLITS – WELL, there goes One Term Albo as a nickname! The Australian election result was predictable, though the extent of the anti-Liberal rout was not foreseen by anyone.

Looking around the (non-American) Anglosphere, some interesting points of convergence are apparent. Not to the corporate media, of course.

NARRATIVES

Liberal “moderates” and progressivists generally, are already constructing their own self-serving narratives. Like blame Dutton, blame the hard Right and, of course, blame Trump.

Oh, and the term “historic” is being given an airing. As in, Albanese is the first Australian PM to win two straight elections since 2004. (True enough. But this is mostly because the two major Parties have often taken choosing their leaders out of the hands of voters at elections. So much for accountability.)

As long as no one says “mandate”.

The most striking comparison is between Albanese and Sir Keir Stalin in the UK. In 2024, Sir Keir won a “landslide”. Another word freely and lazily used this day, here in Australia.

The Brit landslide consisted in Starmer winning government with 34 per cent of the vote. That is, with voluntary voting, 34 per cent of the 59 per cent who actually voted.

UK Labour’s vote increase from 2019 was a mere 1.6 per cent. Hardly a revolution. Clearly not a mandate for anything.

On May 3, Albo won with a whopping 34.7 per cent of the primary vote. Up a “massive” 2.1 per cent (at this stage of the count).

The Coalition scraped together 31.7 per cent of the primary vote. Yes, both the majors are still very much on the nose. Do the math. Thirty five per cent of the electorate, and certainly not those of us who value and prioritise freedom, probity, small government and tradition, remain hopelessly unrepresented.

Those who are not green have close to net-zero voice in the House of Representatives.

Oh, and at the time of writing, there were 433,301 informal votes cast in the Aussie election in the Lower House.

Close on half a million people in some way spoiled their ballot papers. This number will grow as the count continues. Some of these might be bunglers. Many, though, will have been simply disillusioned.

More than 10 per cent voted informally in 16 seats. In one seat it was as high as 22 per cent.

The ABC even did a report last week on people “considering” voting informally – that is, deliberately.

Add to this those simply not turning up. Yes, the fine is still only $20 and has been since 1984. So, there is laziness.

But there is also disillusion. As the Australia Institute has noted, those not turning up at all have increased since 2007, and each election is getting fewer and fewer at the polling stations, even now with the added (inexplicable) ease of pre-poll voting.

They report: “At the last federal election in 2022, 14.6m Australians cast a valid vote. A further 800,000 made it to the voting booth but cast an invalid or blank vote – either deliberately or by accident. About 1.8 million were on the electoral roll but did not turn out. Around 650,000 Australians were missing from the electoral roll. Taken together, more than three million Australians entitled to vote did not have their vote counted. By contrast, the Labor Party only won the two-Party preferred vote by 600,000.

“Thus, despite voting in federal elections being compulsory, only about four in five eligible Australians (82.5%) cast a valid vote in the 2022 federal election.”

Hence, Sir Keir Albanese. A landslide without a mandate. A victory without enthusiasm, despite the easy narrative.

Will Albo’s second term honeymoon last any longer than Sir Keir’s? The latter is already a dead man walking, less than a year after his false victory. The Brits absolutely loathe him, and he still has over four years to go. At least his Party does.

RADICAL LEFTIST

Another comparison is with Canada and the election just gone. There, just like here, there was a radical, Leftist Government on the nose, dragging its people further and further into the mire.

And there was an opposition with a clear, indeed, a massive lead in the polls. Then the Government simply changed leaders, the opposition lost its mojo and focus – and the rest is history.

Here they stuck with Albo and still won handsomely. Not even a need to change leaders, but with uncanny similarities.

Hence Pierre Dutton. Who led a “flat-footed” campaign which saw an opposition suffer a swing against it for the first time since World War II (per James Morrow on Sky News’ The Outsiders).

Was it Dutton’s fault? Yes, and, possibly, no.

Dutton lost his mojo, so painstakingly garnered, against the odds, over much of Labor’s disastrous first term. Yet there might be more to this than meets the eye.

The ever smart and well-connected George Christensen has come out swinging against the Liberal Party in the wake of its disastrous defeat.

As some of us began to suspect during the campaign, the Liberals appear to have run dead. We smelled a ponging rodent.

It wasn’t just the Libs’ usual incompetence. Rather, it was factional malfeasance.

It is the old story. If it quacks like a duck…

Here is George, who calls it sabotage: “Let’s not sugar-coat it, Peter Dutton was never meant to win this election.

“Not because he lacked leadership. Not because Australians didn’t want change. But because his own Party made damn sure he’d lose.

  • Peter Dutton’s campaign was deliberately undermined by internal factions in the Liberal Party who feared his conservative leadership.
  • A clear and strategic campaign plan from Dutton’s office was sabotaged by Party insiders through delay, message dilution and refusal to fund ads.
  • Leaks and internal betrayals by moderates, Photios loyalists, and even elements of the NSW Right were coordinated to destabilise Dutton.
  • The Party’s focus on winning back Teal seats alienated the conservative base and ignored the desires of suburban and rural Australians.
  • The loss was not due to Dutton’s ideology, but to a calculated effort by internal rivals to ensure his defeat and preserve their own influence.”

This is a big call. But for anyone remotely familiar with the inner workings of the Liberal Party and the warped priorities of its factions, especially in Sydney, it is entirely plausible.

Christensen continues: “This wasn’t a stuff-up. It wasn’t bad luck. This was premeditated political sabotage – a coordinated takedown by factional cowards, backstabbing opportunists, and hollow men whose loyalty lies not with voters, not with the country, but with their own futures.

“They’re already trying to rewrite history. The media narrative is locked and loaded: Dutton was too Right wing to win. Rubbish. If anything, he was too restrained. He didn’t step to the Right – he stepped aside. He avoided the fights he could’ve won. He muted his instincts in the hope of keeping the wreckers in the tent.

“It wasn’t enough. It was never going to be enough.

“Months ago, Dutton had the momentum. He was ahead in the polls. Australians were listening. There was a clear plan, forged before Christmas, to start 2025 with a political onslaught: hit the ground running in January, frame the debate, take the fight to Labor early.

DISCIPLINED

“That plan came directly from Dutton’s office. A 12-point blueprint for restoring the nation – a structured, disciplined pitch to voters who were crying out for direction. It may not have been flashy, but it was real. It had intent. It had direction.

“And the political machine killed it.

“The Liberal Party’s internal wreckers – the “moderates” who are enabled by weak-willed so-called conservatives in NSW – torched the strategy before it could take off. They scoffed at it. They delayed. They pulled the plug on ad buys. They muddied the message until there was nothing left but bland fog.

“Instead of leading, the campaign limped. Instead of clarity, confusion. Instead of selling the vision, they buried it.

“Then came the leaks. Cowards in campaign HQ started whispering to journos – blaming Dutton’s office, blaming “the Right”, blaming everyone except the ones who had just gutted their own campaign.

“These leaks weren’t accidents. They were knives. Thrown with purpose.

“And make no mistake: The Liberal Party is crawling with this breed of political assassin. The Black Hand – that shadowy circle of self-serving moderates who would rather the Coalition burn than let a conservative lead it. Their playbook is centuries old: divide, delay, destabilise, destroy.

“In NSW, these types are the Armani-suited influence peddlers in the Liberals who treat politics like a cocktail circuit. They don’t build movements. They stack preselections and count donor dollars. And after they get their men and women into office they use their influence to lobby on behalf of major corporates, collecting fat wads of cash along the way. It’s all a grift for these guys.”

As they say, read the whole thing. And we haven’t even got to globalist Turnbull.

The Party is simply full of Malchurian candidates. Bedwetters, quislings, the enemy within, as Rita Panahi calls them. There is a reason it looked like they were running dead.

Alex Antic, a true conservative Liberal senator, has “ripped into” the Coalition’s campaign. As well he might.

He doesn’t go as far as Christensen, but he remains a Liberal stalwart and so he wouldn’t. But he does say some of the quiet bits out loud.

Antic is one of those (few) “good Liberals” of whom I have recently written.

He once explained to me the logic of his continuing efforts to effect change from within the traditional centre-Right tent, and contrasted this with the alternate approach, which is simply to give up on the Coalition and start again.

COMMITTED

He remains committed to this day to make the Liberal Party great again. His words, today.

But he did see the other point of view when we spoke, and readily conceded his Party’s massive previous failures when they had the chance (in government) to right the ship and heal the nation.

The point is, at present, as the bastardry of the Liberal factions and ongoing non-performance of outer-Right voices show, there is little joy to be found in either approach.

We have no Farage, no Trump. The system here doesn’t support and reward insurgents, other than the communist Greens and their fellow travellers. And, right now, Australia lacks the immediacy of a feral, illegal migrant invasion that cuts deeply to the core on a daily basis, especially outside the cities.

A foreign invasion that has united a restive, angry population behind a recognised, popular alternate leader.

Of course, simply to pose the question “what is to be done?” as a choice between sticking with a reformed Liberal Party or to start again on the outside with some combo of existing or new micro Parties is to create a false binary.

As Canadian commentator Mark Steyn says, we cannot vote our way out of this. Too many institutions beyond the control of voters are too far gone.

The third option is strategic disruption of elite systems and structures, mass civil disobedience and joining parallel societies.

So, in a large sense, the federal election didn’t matter much. It was just performative democracy – most of the real action is offstage and much of the real damage has already been done.

May the fourth be with you, down under. It ain’t pretty. And won’t be easy.PC

Paul Collits

Quiet bits out loud

MAIN PHOTOGRAPH: Peter Dutton. (courtesy Monash University)

1 thought on “Is Dutton really to blame?

  1. Lots to talk about here, but I’ll restrict myself to the issue of the penalty for not voting.
    It’s not just the measly $20 fine – though that wasn’t so measly back in 1984, and the way things are going it won’t be so measly again soon. The AEC simply does not want a fight. They live in dread of the citizen who will take them to court over compulsory voting.
    I didn’t vote at any level for several years. In due course I would receive a notice informing me that if I didn’t have a good excuse then I’d be up for a fine.
    Some years I was just ‘unwell’. Some years I failed to vote for ‘religious reasons’.
    Some years I thought oh hell, throw them the twenty.
    None of this rich and varied tapestry of responses provoked even the smallest inquiry from the AEC. Whatever I gave them, they took it and ran.
    I used to be in favour of compulsory voting. If the compulsion was lifted I would still vote, because I think of voting as a report card on our politicians. And those who have earnt an F deserve to know that.
    If people want to take the attitude of ‘Vote all you want, but a politician always wins’, and stay home, maybe they should.
    On condition that they NEVER whine about the government that they didn’t vote in or vote out.

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